From Anatolian Folk Disco to Döner Kebab: How the Culture of Turkish Gastarbeiter and their Families Changed German Citizenship Laws

Jacob Kmiech – Fall 2017

 

An Introduction

Historical Overview – Prelude to the Gastarbeiter

In West Germany, “foreign workers were recruited in large numbers in the 1960s and early 1970s in response to labor shortages” in the midst of an economic boom. 01)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 75.  Chief among them, Turkish immigrants form the largest block of these Gastarbeiter (guest workers), and today “Turks represent the largest ethnic group in Germany,” as well as the largest population of Turks outside of Turkey. 02)Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.  Prior to the 1960s, Turkish immigrants weren’t unheard of in Germany.  The Ottoman Empire, hoping to expand into German lands in the 16th and 17th centuries, fought a series of conflicts with Habsburg German powers, and, after mounting two sieges on Vienna, “provided the circumstances in which people of Muslim origin became permanent residents in Germany”. 03)Jørgen S Nielsen and Jonas Otterbeck, Muslims in Western Europe. 4th ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), 2 Many Turkish soldiers were left behind after these battles as prisoners and as deserters, and these soldiers became Germany’s first Turkish immigrants. 04)Ibid, 2  These early immigrants faired fairly well, becoming court entertainers, traders and, after converting to Christianity, sometimes priests. 05)Ibid, 2

In the 18th century, the rise of Prussia allowed for Turks to gain wider acceptance in Germany due to the state’s religious tolerance policies.  Enlisting many Turkish mercenaries into his expanding army, Fredrick the Great found their skills on horseback to be exceptional. 06)Clark, Christopher, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia 1600-1947. (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2006), 252-253  In 1740, he wrote that,

“All religions are just as good as each other, as long as the people who practice them are honest, and even if Turks and heathens came and wanted to populate this country, then we would build mosques and temples for them”. 07)Ibid.

The rise of nationalism throughout Europe in the 19th century brought about a halt to German society’s tolerance toward its small Turkish minority.  Since the rise of “German nationalism in the nineteenth century, German culture and identity have been perceived as being in stark contrast to other national groups”. 08)Elçin Kürsat Ahlers “The Turkish Minority in German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 115 This idea of stark difference grew to a view of stark superiority with the rise of Nazism in the 20th century interwar period, but Nazism has since became a point of shame for most Germans, who have sought to create a multi-cultural society to improve their role on the world stage.  Nonetheless, the idea of separate cultural difference and development “has persisted despite the influx of non-German residents” through the end of the 20th century, and up until the present day, as German “multi-culturalism constitutes a defensive strategy against ethnic and cultural heterogeneity”09)Ibid..

Historical Overview – From Gastarbeiter to Turkish-German Citizens

Following World War II, “the West German economy experienced […] a period of structural modernization, expansion and full employment which lasted from the early 1950s to the early 1970s,” with “growth rates of up to ten percent annually”. 10)Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 78  This period of economic growth is known colloquially as the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle). 11)Ibid.  The growth of the West German economy “was remarkably rapid: despite the enormous influx of more than 10 million German refugees and migrants from East Germany, dwarfing the present immigration, sectoral labor shortages began to appear in the late 1950s”. 12)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 171.  West Germany found itself in desperate need of workers “when the Berlin Wall cut off the supply of highly skilled manpower which had come to West Germany from the GDR” in 1961. 13)Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 81  While a Gastarbeiter (guest worker) program had existed since 1955, when Germany “concluded intergovernmental contracts” with Italy (followed by Spain and Greece in 1960), “the recruitment of Gastarbeiter took on a new urgency, and additional contracts were signed with Turkey, Morocco, Portugal and Tunisia” in 1961, 1963, 1964, 1965, and 1968 respectively. 14)Ibid, 78-79, 81

The Wirtschaftswunder did not last, however, and “1973 saw the introduction of an Answerbestopp, a ban on recruitment [of Gastarbeiter] in the wake of the oil-shock and the onset of endemic mass unemployment in West Germany.  It was accompanied by a programme of financial incentives to motivate Gastarbeiter to leave Germany.  Within two years, an estimated 400,000 had done so”. 15)Ibid, 82  However, the Answerbestopp unintendedly

“changed the national composition and social structure of Germany’s non-German population as labour migrants became resident.  Until the early 1970s, Germany’s foreign workers were Gastarbeiter – a migrant labour force without clear intentions to settle in Germany.  Migrants were recast into minorities.  When the Anwerbestopp was imposed, 11.6 percent of Germany’s labour force and 6.4 percent of the population were foreigners.  By the mid-1980s, 7.7 percent of the labour force and 7.4 percent of the population were of non-German origin”. 16)Ibid.

This change in national composition is mostly due to Germany’s new allowance of former Gastarbeiter to bring their families to Germany.  Factory owners still found value in their cheap, trained, skilled labor, and found power in local governments to keep them working, despite the federal government’s efforts to hire Germans first. 17)Ibid, 87  Finding few jobs waiting for them at home, “Gastarbeiter from Turkey, were the least willing to leave [Germany] and most likely to settle and reunite with their families”. 18)Ibid, 83  Even as early as “the 1970s there were already signs of settlement”, as “the number of births to foreign parents increased by 140 percent”. 19)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 172.

In 1990, Germany wrote a new, revised Auslander (foreigner) law, stipulating that “nationals born in Germany are entitled to become Germans when they reach the age of eighteen, [though] required to give up their non-German nationality”. 20)Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 92  This was again revised under a “new nationality/citizenship law of 1999 that took effect on January 1, 2000, [which] facilitates the acquisition of German citizenship […] by making it available after eight years of legal residence in the country”. 21)Freyer Stowasser “The Turks in Germany: From Sojourners to Citizens,” in Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 2002.), 65

Cultural Nationalism and Citizenship

Some Cultural Nationalist Theory

In relation to the history of the Turkish minority living in Germany, questions of how the German nation, German nationalism, and, by extension, German citizenship are defined are intrinsically important.  From their first arrival in the 1960s, German-Turkish immigrants have been both called and treated as Ausländer (foreigners) and Gastarbeiter (guest workers), separated from German society by Germany’s distinct definition of the nation.  For most of its history, German citizenship was one of “pure jus sanguinis[,] based exclusively on decent, allowing immigrants and their descendants to remain indefinitely outside the community of citizens,” but remaining exclusive to immigrants without German heritage. 22)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 114.  As such, “Gastarbeiter were to be what foreign workers had always been throughout German history, a mobile labour force outside civic society, economically necessary and socially excluded”. 23)Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 80   The very word, Gastarbeiter, “itself implies ‘rotation’, a non-permanent stay”. 24)Ibid.

Germany and its citizens slowly came to understand that many Turks did not wish to return to Turkey after it began allowing former Gastarbeiter to bring their families into the country. 25)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 171. Given how Germany has consistently viewed its citizenship as being purely based on jus sanguinis, it may seem odd that that German citizenship would change over the course of the 1990s, culminating in The Citizenship Law of 1999, which made citizenship possible to Turkish immigrants after eight years of life in Germany. 26)Freyer Stowasser “The Turks in Germany: From Sojourners to Citizens,” in Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 2002.), 65. Often ignored, however, is the conscious struggle faced by many Turkish immigrants to gain citizenship, as the history of this change more often focuses on Germany’s reunification following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, and the other great many political and legislative changes that came with them.

In order to gain citizenship, change needed to occur within Germany between 1961 and 1999, completely altering the national identity of the German people, as well as that of the German-Turkish people.  As Rogers Brubaker argues in Nationalism Reframed, written in 1992, prior to the creation of the new citizenship laws governing immigrant populations in Germany,

“The ethnocultural inflection of German self-understanding and German citizenship law makes it difficult to reconcile – in the political imagination of Germans and immigrants alike – the preservation of Turkish cultural identity and autonomy, for example, with the acquisition of German citizenship”. 27)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 178.

Brubaker perhaps unwittingly describes two methods Turkish immigrants used to gain a valued place within German society as immigrants, and eventually citizens:

  1. They altered German self-understanding
  2. They adjusted their Turkish cultural identity to appeal to Germans.

When both of these circumstances were met, acting upon one another, Gastarbeiter and their families were allowed to become German citizens, fitting within a new German cultural identity, as well as a new Turkish-German cultural identity.  Thus, it seems appropriate to write a cultural history of Turkish Gastarbeiter, describing how their everyday culture and cultural works solidified a place for Turkish migrants in Germany by demonstrating how culturally and linguistically German they could be.

Ernest Gellner clearly describes what this change might look like in “Nationalism and High Cultures”:

“[A new nationalist identity] conquers in the name of putative folk culture.  Its symbolism is drawn from the healthy, pristine vigorous life of the peasants, of the Volk, the narod.  There is a certain element of truth in the nationalist self-presentation when the narod or Volk is ruled by officials of another, an alien high culture, whose oppression must be resisted first by a cultural revival and reaffirmation, and eventually by a war of national liberation.  If the nationalism prospers it eliminates the alien high culture, but it does not then replace it by the old local low culture; it revives, or invents a local high (literate, specialist-transmitted) culture of its own, though admittedly once which will have some links with the earlier local folk styles and dialects”. 28)Ernest Gellner, “Nationalism and Modernization,” in Nationalism compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.), 65-66.

This form of nationalist methodology was true of the formation of Germany, but it was equally as true between 1963 and 1999, as Turkish migrants changed German culture, inventing a slightly different local high culture that was both Turkish and German.  It was through this cultural shift that the cultural origins of nationalism changed, creating a new form of nationalism.

Another theorist of nationalism who provides some credence to this theory is Benedict Anderson, who writes that national communities are, to put it simply, “imagined,” and thus fully ingrained in the cultural makeup of a community. 29)Benedict Anderson, “Imagined Communities,” in Nationalism compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.), 89. One of the key methods of creating a cultural orientation toward nationalism was the growth of “print-capitalism [in this case all popular culture], which made it possible for rapidly growing numbers of people to think about themselves, and to relate themselves to others in profoundly new ways”. 30)Ibid, 90  By changing the print-capitalism and the cultural makeup of their communities, Turkish migrants and Germans could eventually relate themselves to each other, and form a newfound national character based around culture rather than ethnicity.

The Changing Cultural Identity of Turkish Germany

How did a Turkish minority whose “mere existence fanned resentments among the German majority” manage to become German citizens? 31)V. R. Berghahn, Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 266. The answer lies in purposeful and accidental cultural changes within Germany’s Turkish community over the course of the late 20th century, which, in turn, also altered the cultural makeup of Germany as a whole.  When Turkish Gastarbeiter began to arrive in Germany in the 1960s, and in greater numbers in the 1970s, they tended to retain their original Turkish identity, as well as their hopes of one day returning home.  This can be seen across a variety of cultural sources.  The cultural identity of Turkish people began to change in the 1970s when Germany introduced the Answerbestopp, and Turkish immigrants began to bring their families into the country.  After 1973’s introduction of the law, “60 percent of the new arrivals from Turkey were under the age of eighteen.  As procreative behavior, life-expectancy and family size has changed, the German population has been aging,” but “the number of births to foreign parents increased by 140 percent”. 32)Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 89. 33)Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992, 172.

This generational gap also represents a cultural gap, as second and third generation Turkish-Germans identified as both Germans and Turks:

“Germany includes a large group of people whose identity, for the foreseeable future at least, will be a German-Turkish identity.  Turks from Turkey have long recognized this distinctive identity and coined a new word for it: almanyali, somebody from Germany”. 34)Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 152.

The word almanyali, in Turkish, implies more German-ness than Turkish-ness, and second and third generation German-Turks see themselves in such terms as well. 35)Ibid.  Some first generation Gastarbeiter also found themselves culturally ostracized from both Turkish and German culture.  For instance, playwright Ermine Sevgi Özdamar, speaking in an interview in 1996, says that she arrived in Germany “in 1965 at the age of nineteen [, as] part of the initial wave of so-called Gastarbeiter,” before returning to Turkey in 1967, and spending “three years at drama school in Istanbul”. 36)Ermine Sevgi Özdamar, David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky “Living and Writing in Germany,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 45.  After a brief arrest for “reports she had written after the military putsch of 1971,” she returned to Germany in 1976, finding herself unpublishable in Turkey 37)Ibid.  Her first play, Karagöz in Alamania (Black Eye in Germany), was completed in 1982, but wasn’t performed until 1986. 38)Ibid, 46  This play was based on a letter she had found, written by another Gastarbeiter, who found it difficult to write in Turkish, despite it being his mother-tongue. 39)Ibid.  In his letter, he writes,

“A worker has no home […] Wherever there is work, that’s his home,”. 40)Ibid, 47.

This resonated with Özdamar, who recognized that, while her “own language is of course Turkish, […] it is no longer the language of [her] day-to-day experiences”. 41)Ibid.  She chose to write the play in German, finding German to be “the language of some five million Gastarbeiter,” after spending time on trains “together with Greeks, Yugoslavs, Turks and Bulgarians, all migrant workers [whose] common language was German,” though often full of mistakes and “devoid of clichés”. 42)Ibid.  Özdamar copied this style of speaking in her play hoping to “capture the language of the Gastarbeiter” and demonstrate the German/Turkish behavior of former Gastarbeiter. 43)Ibid, 49.

While a member of the first generation of Turkish-German immigrants, Özdamar looks critically back upon her generation and their children, and notes the generational differences between Turkish-German immigrants, saying that

“As far as the first generation is concerned, I would say that a great deal of the traditional culture still survives.  Amongst younger people it’s a different story […] I myself, for instance, have largely adopted a German lifestyle […] the revolution taking place in the role of women is bound to affect their situation.  It is the same for Turkish girls in Germany.  The wearing of head scarves is a case in point.  They may have been largely discarded in Turkey as a result of Atatürk’s reforms, but Turkish girls in Germany can now often be seen wearing them.  In doing so they are primarily demonstrating a feminist attitude”. 44)Ibid.

This change from Turkish culture into something that blurs the lines between feminism and Turkish political identity (as well as a desire to return to traditional Turkish fashion) is only one example of how a new Turkish-German or German-Turkish identity was formed between 1973 and 1999.

Another lies within previously mentioned linguistic changes.  First generation migrants often needed “the help of their children – who had grown up in Germany – translators or social workers [in order to communicate] with the ‘German world’ in which they lived”. 45)Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 144.  The second generation, on the other hand “speaks a mixed language in which either Turkish or German is the dominant component,” often jumping between both languages in order to express themselves. 46)Ibid, 145. Often, “its speakers are frequently deemed to have only a partial-command of language, what is known as Halbsprachigkeit,” in English, half-lingualism, as opposed to bi-lingualism or Zweisprachigkeit. 47)Ibid.  Interestingly, second generation Turkish-Germans who speak this way “have an increased capacity for expressing fine nuances of language, and are better able to cross linguistic, cultural, logical and emotional boundaries”. 48)Ibid. Their nuanced language control proved highly useful as a Turkish-German culture developed alongside its language, which would eventually work to convince German lawmakers that Turkish-Germans were linguistically and culturally German enough for citizenship.

One place to see this development is in how music changed between the generation of the Gastarbeiter and the second generation.  Songs of Gastarbeiter is an invaluable resource in this matter.  Their purpose “is to publicize the unknown and to document a diverse musical culture so that it does not get lost,” and to ensure that Gastarbeiter culture is not thought of merely as “clichés and racist attributions,” as are often portrayed in Gastarbeitliteratur (Guest Worker Literature). 49)“Songs of Gastarbeiter – Vol. 1,” (Trikont, 2013), Accessed December 10, 2017. https://trikont.de/shop/themen/turkische-musik-turkish-sounds/songs-of-gastarbeiter-vol-1/.   Both first and second generation German-Turks are represented in the collection (which only includes songs from prior to 1990), and a clear change of mindset can be seen between both generations.  The first generation wrote songs in Turkish for Gastarbeiter about longing for a return home and harsh factory conditions.  The second generation, notably, were “pioneers, because they put themselves and their everyday lives into the music, not only suffering, but also combative and ironic they were astute observers of German society.  Pioneers, because they created new styles of music, such as Anatolian disco folk, remix tracks, and experimented with chanting before there were German-Turkish rappers”. 50)Ibid. Their songs were often written in German, and demonstrate how, alongside a linguistic diversification between generations, “similar diversification exists in German-Turkish culture.  Works of music, film, theatre, literature, painting and academic research are aimed at Turkish-speaking migrants in Germany, at German-speaking Turks, at Germans or more broadly at all of these groups.  In addition, innumerable avant-garde works seem to owe little or nothing to the background of the artist, and Turkish origin no longer appears to matter”. 51)Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 144.

This slow change in cultural identity is ultimately what convinced Germans of the German-ness of German-Turkish culture.  In a jus sanguinis society like Germany, “Culture itself may be regarded as an expression of a power struggle”. 52)Ibid, 148.  Therefore, to “portray the situation of Turks in Germany as a life between two cultures would be to overlook the asymmetry between German and Turkish Culture and the dominance of the former over the latter”. 53)Ibid, 152.  This is clearly evidenced in how German-Turkish language has changed over the course of generations:

“Since Turks first settled in Germany in the 1970s, the Turkish language in Germany has incorporated many German terms, while Turkish has made little impact on German.  With the exception of a few items relating to food, virtually no term or concept has entered German from Turkish”. 54)Ibid,146.

Speaking of food, Döner Kebab is perhaps the most recognizable piece of Turkish culture in the German mainstream.  However, even though Döner Kebab “is just as popular in Turkey, and with few exceptions prepared by Turkish immigrants, the German version of Döner is different”. 55)Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 128. When many Gastarbeiter, after settling with their families, “lost their jobs in the factories due to the economic crises of the 1970s, these immigrant workers had to look for alternative business opportunities; one option was opening a food store, a food stall or restaurant”. 56)Ursula Heinzelmann, Beyond Bratwurst: a History of Food in Germany. (London: Reaktion Books, 2014), 325-326.  Dönerbuden (donner kebab stands) first “opened in Kreutzberg, the “Turkish” district of Berlin” in the 1970s” 57)Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.  Since their initial opening, Turkish immigrants have adapted Döner Kebab to German taste:

“It does not have much in common with the historical Persian dish, where mutton or lamb is roasted on a turning spit, nor with the main course served under that name in contemporary Turkey, where the spit-roasted meat is served over cut-up pide flatbread with melted butter added and the whole crisped quickly in a hot oven.  In Germany meat is marinated with salt, spices, onions, milk, or yogurt and layered on a spit, the final product containing a minimum of 60 per cent ground meat.  Originally mutton, it is now often mixed with beef, and modern variations include chicken or turkey.  Most of the doner blocks (which legally are considered to be ground meat) are made by specialists, who produce up to 300 tons daily in Germany.  The meat is served in a one-quarter of a Turkish pide (pita) flatbread cut open to form a pocket […]  Usually green lettuce, tomatoes, onions and red cabbage, all cut into thin strips, are added as liberally as the yogurt sauce, with hot chili flakes as an extra”. 58)Ursula Heinzelmann, Beyond Bratwurst: a History of Food in Germany. (London: Reaktion Books, 2014), 325-326.

The pita pocket was perhaps the most important addition, as it turned Döner Kebab into a desirable, cheap, portable fast food.

Beyond Döner Kebab, “ethnic restaurants sometimes reflect a clever business mind rather than the attempt to create and offer a part of someone’s culinary home.  There might be a Turkish entrepreneur behind an “Italian” restaurant”. 59)Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.  In this way, Turkish identity gets thrown to the wayside in favor of German taste.  Linguistic demonstrations of how Turkish-German culture adapted to become more German is also evident in the everyday operations of Dönerbuden.   A study on the Turkish language in Germany found:

“Turkish kebab sellers ask their Turkish customers: “scharf (spicy) mi oslun?” instead of the correct Turkish Acili mi olsun? (Do you want it spicy?) or “Soße (gravy) mi olsun?” instead of soslu mi olsun? (Do you want it with gravy?)”. 60)Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 146.

Small linguistic as well as cultural changes like these within the Turkish-German community demonstrate the changing cultural identity of Turks in Germany.

While these are only a few examples of the how Turkish-German culture has changed in Germany, these examples in their own right have had a big impact on how Turkish-German citizenship rights.  On May 12, 2000, a little over five months after the new German Citizenship laws went into effect, Johannes Rau, who was president of Germany at the time (as well as president when the new citizenship law passed in 1999), delivered a speech titled “Without Fear and Illusions: Living Together in Germany”. 61)David E. Wellbery and Judith Ryan, A New History of German Literature. (Cambridge, Mass: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), 965.  The speech appealed for further “integration and repudiation of xenophobia,” pointing out “cross-fertilization in music and the arts, as well as culinary pleasures”: 62)Ibid.

“The immigrants brought their recipes with them, their specialties, their spices and their drinks.  Who can imagine our streets now without pizza and Döner Kebabs?… Germany is now one of the most colorful and open countries in the world.  We have become more relaxed, richer in experience, and more tolerant”. 63)Ibid.

While demonstrating how Germany now views itself as a multi-cultural society (a complete reversal from pure jus sanguinis), Rau unintentionally demonstrates how this argument is a blanket for the reality of the situation when he says that,

“Life together becomes difficult when old-established Germans no longer feel at home, when they feel like foreigners in their own country.  It is one thing to enjoy multicultural radio programs in air-conditioned cars.  It is another to sit on the underground and be surrounded by people whose language one cannot understand”. 64)Ibid.

For Germans like Rau, German multiculturalism is akin to assimilation and the separation of cultures, rather than heterogeneous mixing.  Thus, for a legislative body to feel comfortable with Turkish-Germans gaining citizenship, Turkish-Germans had to become German enough for Germany’s standards, and, seeing as they did gain citizenship, the Germanizing cultural changes between generations of Turkish-Germans proved to be successful.

Conclusion

            From impermanent Gatarbeiter to Turkish-German citizens, Turkish-German culture has greatly altered German citizenship laws through the partial normalization of Turkish culture and the partial assimilation of Turkish-Germans into a greater German culture, thereby convincing greater Germany of their viability as citizens beyond Germany’s traditional ethnic definition.

Bibliography

Anderson, Benedict. “Imagined Communities.” In Nationalism, compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, 89-96 Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Berghahn, V. R. Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982.

Brubaker, Rogers. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992.

Clark, Chrisopher. Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia 1600-1947. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2006.

Gellner, Ernest. “Nationalism and Modernization.” In Nationalism, compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, 55-70. Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Heinzelmann, Ursula. Beyond Bratwurst: a History of Food in Germany. London: Reaktion Books, 2014.

Heinzelmann, Ursula. Food Culture in Germany. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2008

Horrocks, David, and Eva Kolinsky. Turkish Culture in German Society Today. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996.

Kolinsky, Eva. “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society.” In Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, 71-111. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996.

Kürsat-Ahlers, Elçin. “The Turkish Minority in German Society.” In Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, 113-135. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996.

Nielsen, Jørgen S., and Jonas Otterbeck. Muslims in Western Europe. 4th ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016.

Özdamar, Ermine Sevgi, David Horrocks, and Eva Kolinsky. “Living and Writing in Germany.” In Turkish Culture in German Society  Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, 46-54. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996.

“Songs of Gastarbeiter – Vol. 1.” Trikont. 2013. Accessed December 10, 2017.  https://trikont.de/shop/themen/turkische-musik-turkish-sounds/songs-of-gastarbeiter-vol-1/.

Songs of Gastarbeiter – Vol 1.  Compiled by Imran Ayata and Bülent Kullukcu.  Trikont, 2013, Compact Disk.

Stowasser, Freyer. “The Turks in Germany: From Sojourners to Citizens.” In Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens, edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, 52-71. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Tan, Dursun and Hans-Peter Waldhoff. “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects.” In Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, 137-156. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996.

Wellbery, David E., and Judith Ryan, eds. A New History of German Literature. Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004.

 

Further Reading:

Aziz, Namo, Thea Bauriedl, and Max A. Höffer. Fremd in einem kalten Land: Ausländer in   Deutschland. Freiburg im Breisgau u.a.: Herder, 1992.

Hake, Sabine, and Barbara Mennel. Turkish German Cinema in the New Millennium: Sites,   Sounds, and Screens. New York: Berghahn Books, 2014.

Kirschner, Luz. “Human Rights and Minority Rights: Argentine and German Perspectives”. In The Routledge Companion to Literature and Human Rights. London: Routledge, 2015.

References   [ + ]

01. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 75.
02. Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.
03. Jørgen S Nielsen and Jonas Otterbeck, Muslims in Western Europe. 4th ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), 2
04. Ibid, 2
05. Ibid, 2
06. Clark, Christopher, Iron Kingdom: The Rise and Downfall of Prussia 1600-1947. (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2006), 252-253
07. Ibid.
08. Elçin Kürsat Ahlers “The Turkish Minority in German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 115
09. Ibid.
10. Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 78
11. Ibid.
12. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 171.
13. Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 81
14. Ibid, 78-79, 81
15. Ibid, 82
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid, 87
18. Ibid, 83
19. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 172.
20. Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 92
21. Freyer Stowasser “The Turks in Germany: From Sojourners to Citizens,” in Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 2002.), 65
22. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 114.
23. Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 80
24. Ibid.
25. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 171.
26. Freyer Stowasser “The Turks in Germany: From Sojourners to Citizens,” in Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 2002.), 65.
27. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992) 178.
28. Ernest Gellner, “Nationalism and Modernization,” in Nationalism compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.), 65-66.
29. Benedict Anderson, “Imagined Communities,” in Nationalism compiled by John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, (Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press, 1994.), 89.
30. Ibid, 90
31. V. R. Berghahn, Modern Germany: Society, Economy and Politics in the Twentieth Century. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 266.
32. Eva Kolinsky “Non-German Minorities in Contemporary German Society,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 89.
33. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992, 172.
34. Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 152.
35. Ibid.
36. Ermine Sevgi Özdamar, David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky “Living and Writing in Germany,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 45.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid, 46
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid, 47.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid, 49.
44. Ibid.
45. Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 144.
46. Ibid, 145.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
49. “Songs of Gastarbeiter – Vol. 1,” (Trikont, 2013), Accessed December 10, 2017. https://trikont.de/shop/themen/turkische-musik-turkish-sounds/songs-of-gastarbeiter-vol-1/.
50. Ibid.
51. Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 144.
52. Ibid, 148.
53. Ibid, 152.
54. Ibid,146.
55. Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 128.
56. Ursula Heinzelmann, Beyond Bratwurst: a History of Food in Germany. (London: Reaktion Books, 2014), 325-326.
57. Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.
58. Ursula Heinzelmann, Beyond Bratwurst: a History of Food in Germany. (London: Reaktion Books, 2014), 325-326.
59. Ursula Heinzelmann, Food Culture in Germany. (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008), 124.
60. Dursun Tan and Hans-Peter Waldhoff “Turkish Everyday Culture and its Prospects,” in Turkish Culture in German Society Today, edited by David Horrocks and Eva Kolinsky, (Providence, RI: Berghahn Books, 1996), 146.
61. David E. Wellbery and Judith Ryan, A New History of German Literature. (Cambridge, Mass: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), 965.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Ibid.